ASSOCIATION FOR THE SOCIOECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF DEVELOPMENT AND INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT
Muhammed Asadi's Blog




Psychology's System Friendliness
M. Asadi

Structural oppression gets reproduced through people participating (be it unknowingly) in their own oppression. That is how oppression is "done", the micro's link to the macro, mediated through emotional response linked to identity verification. As part of bureaucratized control, 'doing' oppression entails identity verification through enacting oppressive roles, whose 'positions', i.e. statuses, people merely fit into, which are predetermined based on their functional expediency to those privileged within a society.
When the self gets hooked to the system in this manner, establishing self worth entails defending the system that due to its invisibility gets merged with the individual. The system through such manipulation becomes benign and the individual all ‘powerful’. When the sociologist tries to make visible the invisible structural hooks that in cage like manner restrict people's human potential and keep the vast majority of them busy with mere subsistence they are accused of being oppressive and not caring about individuals, being more concerned about ‘society’ (in pure Orwellian doublespeak). This of course is also part of the system's functional rationality, for if everyone became conscious of external constraints and thereby rejected the system's 'rationality', i.e. if everyone became 'deviant and pathological' in its logic, the entire system would collapse.
This conclusion leads us to assess the usefulness of psychology to the elite as a (pseudo) 'science' of individual pathology as they try to discredit sociology and obfuscate the structural roots of social problems. Through such manipulation, liberation gets equated with oppression and efforts to free the individual from supra-individual structures is taken as ‘devaluing the individual’. There can be little argument over the fact that psychology is more ‘system friendly’ than sociology and the ‘system’ that it is friendly towards is extremely oppressive.
The International System: Globalization’s Sociological Context
M. Asadi
“The need for a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, and establish connections everywhere. The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country…The bourgeoisie… by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian nations into civilization.” (The Manifesto of the Communist Party. Karl Marx & Frederick Engels, 1848)
The importance of a world market to the bourgeoisie in its foreign adventures, and the process of globalization, the corporations standardization that gives a ‘cosmopolitan character’ to consumption all over the globe and leads to cultural convergence was clearly stated by Marx and Engels back in 1848, long before those who today are reinventing the wheel came to the fore. Having intimate knowledge of the nature of the bourgeoisie, Marx realized that communication was central to its desire to eventually “establishing connections everywhere”. These words penned long before the age of the internet and cell phones seem quite prophetic but given the structural trends of advanced capitalism’s top down driven technological innovations, they are hardly surprising.
C. Wright Mills, who described himself as a ‘plain’ Marxist (in the tradition of Thorstein Veblen, without the ideological baggage of the ‘vulgar’ Marxists), combined Marx’s historicism with Weber’s bureaucracy and status group analysis, Karl Mannheim’s ideology, Mead’s micro interactional analysis and Freudian psychoanalysis (Mills and Gerth 1954) among other classical theorists whose concepts he used, to develop his Power Elite explanation. Mills was one of the first sociologists to use the term Post-Modern in his 1959 book, The Sociological Imagination to describe the altered state of the world compared to the modernity that the classical sociologists studied. In studying this ‘post-modernity’ he used the ideas of the classical sociologists taken to their “logical” conclusion, together with an eclectic mixing of their work (and methodology), this led to a new theory, greater than the sum of its parts. Mills suggested that the three dominant institutions of post-modern American society (post World War 2), the political, the military and the economic come together as massive bureaucratic structures with interconnected networks between themselves, acting as one due to the altered nature of capitalism. Those at the top of such structures have a greater power of decision compared to those at the bottom and as such form a ‘power elite’. Concentration of wealth and production of objective culture offers them unprecedented access to structurally altering the U.S and the world, which they have in all the nation states and global institutions they have either created or whose creation or destruction they have facilitated post World War 2.
The connection of these bureaucratic structures with corresponding structures in other nations determines the altered role of the US power elite (whose ascension Mills located in the events of World War 2). Rather than limiting our ‘unit of analysis’ to nation states or to “society”, which would be sociologically myopic given these global interconnections, an integrated model that is comparative and inclusive of the entire world as ‘structure’ is necessary for proper sociological analysis. The location of ‘public issues’ as Mills talked about in his Sociological Imagination (1959), therefore requires a wider sociological understanding of ‘global issues.’ Global institutions that produce and reproduce systems of global stratification (including gender and race based stratification) have to be located within a global system and only then can connections made to country specific ‘public issues’ and biographical ‘personal troubles’ of individuals living within those countries. Any deviation from this pathway renders the overall analysis non-sociological. The ‘deciders’ in today’s world form a global power elite something Marx hinted at in his generalization for they recognize neither national boundaries nor constitutions. By their decisions they create, divide or break up nation states. Nationalism, which is their invention is a convenient tool, a carry over from an old order, part of the cultural lag that is given added life through (structural) warfare induced binding. Nationalism merely helps divide those the elite desire to control through emotionally binding people to an artificial entity.
The micro interactional behavior of these elite, their many visits around the globe as they manage the many nation states is not based on some conspiracy, it is a product of the institutional structure that emerged in the U.S. post World War 2, that pushed up through the power corridors certain personality types which makes the reproduction of this ‘structure’ more probable and ensures that the interests of some groups are met at the expense of the vast majority of the world’s inhabitants. However, the system is marred by internal crises that require constant adjustments leading to many side effects that inevitably alter modes of production and when that happens the relationships that exist within and between societies change as well, a point that is lost on the ‘vulgar’ Marxists but explicitly stated by Marx and Engels in the Manifesto:
“The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production and with them the whole relations of society...” (Marx and Engels, 1848)
Thus far the project of a sociological understanding of the International System that is a methodological necessity given the focus of the field has not been realized. Wallerstein and his group by canonizing Marx’s understanding of Victorian capitalism and generalizing it deterministically into the future, borrowing heavily from the Dependency school’s theories of development, merely present a façade of a globalized structural analysis. Wallerstein uses, in trying to reinvent the Marxist wheel, what C. Wright Mills would describe as the ‘labor metaphysic’ of classical Marxism, where class struggles make the Core (or bourgeoisie) hegemony a temporary phenomenon. This has not borne out in empirical reality, neither on the nation-state level or on the level of the World System, because both revolutions and the “World System” can be managed in times of crises through interrelated economic, military and political institutions and the diffusion of a legitimating culture and its individualized and individuating standards that pit people against each other.
Core hegemony in the World System, appears to be a continuous and an ever concentrating phenomenon that relies not only on expansion but artificially produced and induced contraction to facilitate creative destruction. The use of relative deprivation to bind certain groups (and nations) to the system while alienating others is itself a tactic that at best results in redistributive grievances and movements rather than enhancing any ‘class consciousness’ leading to structural transformation. The evolved nature of capitalism altered from the Victorian (lassiez faire) type towards a bureaucratized/advanced/st
ate-militarized form that we see in the Core today calls for new analysis. It is seldom understood by either the ‘vulgar’ Marxists or their critics that the Marxist formula of absolute deprivation leading to class consciousness and revolution only works within a purely capitalist setup and not the ‘old order’ where the individual is mechanically bound to the system and has no existence apart from it regardless of the level of deprivation he or she might face: that absolute deprivation will not produce class consciousness because of overwhelming ‘group consciousness’ that renders the individual non-existent and all suffering a sacrifice for the group.
In our current-day International System, the Core manages class struggles and business cycles, provokes revolutions or prevents them based on the desires of the power elite, manufactures consent through the media while manipulatively institutionalizing a diluted form of the opposition as Marcuse stated and thereby substantively muting it. Further, political and military institutions become autonomous partners with the economic in determining affairs of consequence, as reasonless (formal) rationality and social linkages between the elites across nation states makes neoclassical economics and ‘rational choice’ (and ‘modernization’ based sociological explanations devoid of structural contexts) quite worthless in either understanding or fixing problems of the world. In today’s world, the state-military sectors subsidizes the monopoly sectors through creative destruction of commodities/countries and the’ legitimation’ function that it serves within those entities by mechanically binding individuals to their nation states, without which the bourgeoisie’s economic project of accumulation would have ended a long time back.
Marx emphasized the dominance of the economic structure in which the owners of the means of production, the bourgeoisie capture the state and turn it into a “committee” to manage their common affairs, they rule as an economic ‘ruling class’. However, the changed nature of capitalism post World War II and the various concessions that the bourgeoisie were forced to make post-depression in the form of the New Deal, to keep their system afloat, resulted in a more complex power distribution which involved a sharing of power with the military and the state. The possibility of state autonomy as the move towards ‘revolution’ progressed was recognized by Marx when he stated:
"...the democratic petty bourgeoisie want better wages and security for the workers by an extension of state employment and by welfare measures; in short they hope to bribe the workers with a more or less disguised form... of alms to break their revolutionary strength by temporarily rendering their situation tolerable." (Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League, March 1850)
The state therefore within an altered capitalism can no longer be taken as a subordinate “committee” of the bourgeoisie; it is autonomous in structure but interrelated with both the economic and military institutions through interests and world view, the very entry of the bourgeoisie into top positions of the state reveals a lack of dictation by them. The bourgeoisie, according to Marx, is pushed by the inherent dictates of its ‘mode of production’ to keep refining needs to feed markets and extract profits, this being a sign of the bourgeoisie’s alienation driven by greed to keep a system afloat. In the old colonial structure of a ‘ruling class’ nestling everywhere, the bourgeoisie went around the globe physically dominating nations, in the new power structure the points of nestling have changed. These ‘nestling networks’ might be located objectively in the form of the over 800 U.S. military bases around the globe, or in the subjective workings of global institutions like the World Bank, the IMF, the World Trade Organization, etc, that through structural change determine from afar, life and death decisions for hundreds of millions in the “Third World”.
The shadow of Marx is forever present in any analysis of the International System, but it is one of many shadows in that the “nestling” of the bourgeoisie has rationalized “crisis prevention” to levels of scientific precision that necessitates new conceptualization and new analysis rather than a rewording of Marx’s terminology as ‘globalization’ by those that reinvent the wheel and repackage it as new analysis.
References:
Durkheim, Emile. Division of Labor in Society. (1893)1964. New York: The Free Press.
Marcuse, Herbert. (1964)1991. One Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Societies. New York: Beacon Press
Marx, Karl and Frederick Engels. (1848). The Communist Manifesto. http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/
Marx, Karl, David Fernbach and Sheila Rowbotham (Editors).2001.The Revolutions of 1848: Political Writings (Vol. 1) (Marx's Political Writings). UK: Penguin.
Mills, C. Wright. 1956. The Power Elite. New York: Oxford University Press.
Mills, C. Wright and Hans Gerth. 1964. Character and Social Structure: The Psychology of Social Institutions. New York: Mariner Books.
Wallerstein, Immanuel. 2004. World Systems Analysis. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
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Muhammed Asadi
http://blog.asadi.org